1947: WHERE NOW BEGINS
By Elisabeth Asbrink
Other Press. 280 pages. $16.99. ISBN 978-159051-896-0
Reviewed by Jim Burns

Why 1947? It’s a question that younger readers, perhaps even some
older ones, might well ask. As far as Britain is concerned, to refer to
1947 is often to trigger memories of the particularly harsh winter
that stretched from late-1946 into 1947. Much more happened in 1947,
of course, but the personal experiences are frequently the ones that
stay in the mind. I was eleven in 1947 and have memories of the snow
piled high in the streets, the lack of coal, food supplies, which
were already rationed, running out, and the non-availability of road
and rail transport. And
the fact that I couldn’t go to school. I was only dimly aware of
other matters, such as the developing Cold War, conditions in places
like France and Germany,
and what was taking place in India
and the Middle East. It was later
when I began to fully realise what had been happening while I was
throwing snowballs at friends.
Elisabeth Asbrink provides an introductory short account of the
situation in Europe in 1947: “All across Europe there is damage. The Austrian city of Wiener Neustadt once had
4,000 buildings; now only 18 are intact. A third of the houses in Budapest are
uninhabitable. In
France, 460,000 buildings are in
ruins. In the Soviet Union, 1,700
small towns and villages have been demolished. In Germany, around
3.6 million apartments have been blitzed – a fifth of the country’s
homes. Half the homes in
Berlin
are derelict”. The list goes on, taking in all the homeless and
displaced people, the scarcity of food, clean water, and
electricity.
The Nazis had been defeated, but it hadn’t taken long for their
supporters to begin re-appearing and arranging for one-time SS
members, and others like them, to escape the justice that was being
meted out at Nuremberg
and elsewhere. In fact, by 1947, there were indications that the
Allies, America and Britain, in particular, were keen to
scale down the trials of former Nazis. It was all too expensive and
time-consuming, and German society had to be reconstituted, even if
it meant using many of the judges, policemen, and civil servants who
had happily followed Hitler.
The Swedish fascist, Per Engdahl, was involved with setting up
networks that would enable people like Eichman to escape to
South America. Others went to
Egypt. An international
organisation, involving wealthy businessmen, began to emerge and
incorporated people such as Oswald Mosley, one-time leader of the
British Union of Fascists. There was plenty of money to finance
publications and meetings, and evidence that governments of some
countries, including Argentina and Egypt, were willing to allow
ex-Nazis to settle there. The
Vatican
was also prepared to provide support in certain cases, though there
have always been debates about how far that support went.
Despite the evidence that came to light about the extent of the Nazi
atrocities, there was little doubt that anti-semitism was still
rife, even in a country like Britain. In 1947 Britain was still struggling to keep the peace in
Palestine, where the terrorist organisations,
the Stern Gang and the Haganah, were actively campaigning for the
establishment of an independent Jewish state. Palestine was a British
mandate, but its troops were seen as an occupying force, and
frequently found themselves caught up in the struggle between Arabs
and Jews for control of the land.
When the British condemned three Haganah terrorists to be hanged,
the Haganah responded by kidnapping two British soldiers and
threatening to hang them if the death sentences were carried out.
They were and the soldiers were then executed. The result in Britain was that
mobs went on the rampage, attacking Jewish shops and individuals.
The rioting was particularly bad in cities like
Manchester,
Glasgow, Liverpool, and London, where there were easily-identifiable
Jewish areas and targets, and the rioters were egged on by local
fascists. In Manchester, “On the third
day of the riots up to a thousand people gather in Cheetham Hill,
where they make threats, break up a Jewish wedding, and smash
windows in eight Jewish-owned shops. Fires are started, police
officers are sent out to guard Jewish homes. A number of policemen
are injured”.
When the partition of Palestine, and the establishment of the state of Israel, was
declared in 1947, there was inevitably armed conflict as attempts
were made to destroy the new country before it had an opportunity to
properly organise itself. Soon, Arabs were driven from land they had
lived on for many years and, sad to say, Jewish militants were
responsible for massacres of civilians. It was the beginning of a
problem that still has no solution, and possibly never will have.
The British were also facing difficulties in
India, where the country was about
to become independent, but was also going to divide on the basis of
Muslim, Hindu and Sikh antagonisms. Lord Mountbatten, who had been
sent out to oversee the partition of the country later admitted that
it hadn’t been handled properly. Millions of people were displaced,
Muslims fleeing to what became
Pakistan, Hindus and Sikhs to
India. And bloody massacres took
place on both sides. There is still an uneasy relationship between
Pakistan
and India.
Reading
about events in Palestine and India makes one
understand why Asbrink sub-titles her book, “Where now begins”. We
really are still having to deal with situations in locations where
they got off the ground in 1947. The same could be said of the Cold
War, which may have theoretically come to an end when the Eastern
bloc countries and the Soviet Union
broke up between 1989 and 1991, but still resonates today in terms
of how the world is structured, and how countries react to each
other.
It’s possible to see 1947 as the year when the Cold War began,
though there had been intimations of what was about to happen before
that. Churchill’s famous “Iron Curtain” speech in 1946 had drawn
attention to communist intentions in
Hungary,
Poland, Czechoslovakia,
and other Eastern European countries, as non-communist parties and
individuals were driven into silence. In
Greece, where communists had been fighting a
government supported by Britain, the United
States stepped in to take over Britain’s role. The post-war Labour
government, faced with an economy that was shattered, and with
growing doubts about British soldiers being killed in what many
people viewed as other people’s wars, had decided to pull out of any
further commitments. India, Palestine,
Greece – what was essentially
happening was the decline of Britain’s status as an Imperial
power.
In the United States, the first moves in a renewed
attack on alleged communist influence in
Hollywood
started with the clash between HUAC and the Hollywood Ten, a group
of left-wing writers, directors, and producers. They had decided,
mistakenly as it turned out, to count on mass support for their
outspoken opposition to the Committee. Among them was Herbert
Biberman, then working on New Orleans,
a film purportedly about jazz but which still had to adhere to
conventional views about the way in which blacks were portrayed.
Billie Holiday sang in the film, but only had a role as a maid.
Hollywood
was hardly radical when it came to questions of race.
Still in the USA, Asbrink
looks at the life of pianist Thelonious Monk, described as the
“creator of bebop”. He wasn’t, of course, because no one person was.
Movements in the arts evolve over a period of time and with
contributions from various people. I’m being pedantic when I point
out that “Mean to Me” wasn’t a Monk composition, nor did he record
it with Coleman Hawkins. He did record one of his own tunes, “I Mean
You”, with Hawkins, along with “Bean and the Boys” but that latter
tune was composed by Hawkins. However, 1947 was significant for Monk
because it was the year he recorded twelve tracks under his own name
for the adventurous Blue Note label in
New York. Previously mostly unacknowledged,
he was slowly starting to emerge as a provocative and idiosyncratic
performer.
Matters like these might not seem all that important when compared
to what was happening in Europe and the Middle East, but they colour
the overall picture, as does the arrival of Simone de Beauvoir in
America. While there she began an
intense, but ill-fated affair with the novelist, Nelson Algren,
despite her long commitment to Jean-Paul Sartre. He was at home
in Paris,
holding court in the cafés to the existentialists. The city was,
despite war-damage and post-war austerity, slowly coming back to
life. Fashion was reviving with Christian Dior’s New Look which used
up more material than some people thought right, and even caused
some women to be assaulted for wearing New Look dresses. It wasn’t
all frivolity, though, and those who had collaborated with the
Germans were being hunted down and tried for their indiscretions.
There was so much else happening in 1947. The Muslim Brotherhood was
founded. George Orwell was slowly dying on the Isle of Jura while
struggling to finish the novel that summed up what the future could
be like, 1984. He
wouldn’t actually die until 1950, but it was his final novel and
became a byword for what many people in Eastern
Europe
were experiencing. But I think Orwell could generally see how our
lives would become increasingly subject to surveillance and control¸
even in the so-called “Free World”.
Thomas Mann published
Dr Faustus and dedicated
it to the composer, Arnold Schoenberg, who was offended by what he
took to be a fictional character based on him. The two never spoke
again.
There was war between India and Pakistan. In the Middle East, Jewish
Irgun terrorists attacked the
village
of Deir Yassin
and slaughtered 110 men, women and children. In
Europe, children, homeless, and with parents dead in the
Holocaust, were fed, clothed, and sent off to places where they
might be adopted or given some sort of accommodation. Ships packed
with Jewish refugees struggled to get to Palestine, and were, more
often than not, intercepted by British warships. The
Exodus was a notable
example, and even had a Hollywood
film made about it some years later.
In Britain, women were being dismissed
from jobs they had been given during wartime as men were demobbed
and came back to take over again. Simone de Beauvoir and Nelson
Algren finally terminated their affair. It had become obvious that,
for all her protestations of undying love, she would never end her
relationship with Sartre. The curious bond between them was too
strong.
1947: Where Now Begins
is a book that can both stimulate and shock. The capacity of human
beings for violence and prejudice is depressing, and only the
stories of people who tried to do the right thing manage to help to
raise Asbrink’s book above the level of a documentary account of how
easily civilised rules of behaviour will break down, given the
appropriate circumstances. And it’s true that events and decisions
in 1947 did have an effect that is still with us. There is still
tension between Russia and the West.
Can anyone look at the situation in the Middle East today and truly say that there is a way out of
it? The seeds of hatred sown in 1947 have flourished and grown into
large animosities. And in countries throughout
Europe
new varieties of fascism continue to emerge and encourage hatred of
anyone who doesn’t conform to narrow ideas of nationalism.
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