FREE AS GODS: HOW THE JAZZ AGE REINVENTED MODERNISM
By Charles A. Riley II
University Press of New England.
271 pages. $29.95. ISBN 978-1-61168-850-4
TRANSLOCATED MODERNISMS: PARIS AND OTHER LOST GENERATIONS
Edited by Emily Ballantyne, Marta Dvořák and Dean Irvine
University
of Ottawa
Press. 255 pages. $39.95 CA.
ISBN 978-0-7766-2380-1
Reviewed by Jim Burns

Paris
in the 1920s. Le Dome, Le Select, La Coupole. Ernest Hemingway
boxing with Morley Callaghan, and Scott Fitzgerald as an incompetent
timekeeper between rounds. Gertrude Stein telling everyone that they
are a “Lost Generation”. Hart Crane getting drunk and falling foul
of the French police. Sylvia Beach’s bookshop and her heroic support
for James Joyce’s Ulysses.
Robert McAlmon publishing Hemingway’s first book. The little
magazines, transition, This
Quarter, The Transatlantic Review. It’s a period and a place
that lends itself to the recounting of anecdotes.
It’s a fascinating story and numerous books with titles like
The Crazy Years have
documented the personalities and events in a lively way. There’s
nothing wrong with such accounts, which often
emphasise the experiences of the American expatriates who
flocked to the French capital, but it is essential to know that much
more was going on than
the merely anecdotal evidence suggests. A lot of important and
inventive work was being done in the fields of literature, art, and
music.
Charles A. Riley’s Free As
Gods is a wide-ranging account that goes a long way towards
redressing the balance in terms of the manner in which it deals with
the various disciplines, demonstrates how they often inter-acted
with each other, and points to some lesser-known (to most people, I
would guess) figures around Paris in the 1920s. It is his contention
that: “To read a poem or examine a painting in isolation from the
cultural history is especially inadvisable because this was an era
of collaboration more than of individual genius toiling in
seclusion”. And he further states: “This study argues that the
form-shattering tendencies of modernist art, music, and literature
were accompanied by a concomitant will to create form”. The 1920s
witnessed “a march towards abstraction through expressionism but
also a resurgence of figural and still-life painting, realism in
fiction, and classical ballet on stage”.
To emphasise his point about how the various branches of the arts
frequently interconnected, Riley says that, in the 1920s, minds and
tastes were changing at “an accelerated pace” and the boundaries
among media were “blurring”: “Some of the greatest writers, such as
Hemingway and Stein, were also contemporary art insiders, just as
Gershwin, Porter, cummings and Dos Passos were serious painters.
Pound was writing an opera in the twenties. Le Corbusier was
painting as well as designing buildings and laying out a
revolutionary new magazine. Léger was making movies, and Picasso was
designing sets for the theatre”. Add to all this the fact that,
according to Riley, jazz musicians had encouraged people to “take
improvisation as the gold standard of originality” and everyone felt
free “to be gay, straight, black, Jewish, bohemian, or
aristocratic,” and so “slipped into fluid roles that defied
specialisation”.
If Riley is to be believed, “a working knowledge” of jazz is
essential to an understanding of the “cultural history of the
period”. He seems to be knowledgeable about music generally, though
perhaps a bit hazy about jazz history, and I’m not sure how Dizzy
Gillespie’s “bent trumpet” altered the “physical culture of music”.
There are various explanations about why Gillespie came to use his
distinctive “bent” instrument in the 1950s (the popular, though
unlikely one is that someone trod on it and bent it out of shape and
Gillespie found that he achieved a better sound with the bell
pointing upwards), and it does seem to be accepted, in jazz circles,
that Gillespie got the idea from a British musician at the Ritz
Ballroom in Manchester, England, in 1937. (see Alyn Shipton’s
Groovin’ High: The Life of
Dizzy Gillespie, Oxford U.P., 1999).
And it’s said that a trumpeter/comedian named Merwyn Brogue who
played with Kay Kyser’s novelty band in
America
in the 1930s under the name of Ishkabibble, used a similar
instrument. But perhaps I’m being unnecessarily pedantic? On the
other hand, it bothers me that what appears to be a statement of
significance about the influence of jazz seems to lose its impact
when its factual basis is questioned. Gillespie was hardly
introducing anything new when he appeared with his “bent” trumpet.
In any case, his inclusion in a discussion about the 1920s seems a
bit odd. He only appeared on the jazz scene in the late-1930s.
On the question of jazz generally, Riley again arouses my suspicions
when he talks about “Understanding the thrill in 1924 of what it
meant to import jazz from club to concert hall…”. Some might argue
that in doing so the essence of jazz as an improvised music, with
audience reaction almost a part of the performance, was likely to be
lost. What Riley seems to be talking about is a watered down version
of jazz, tailored to make it respectable. I enjoy Gershwin but his
music isn’t jazz. And as for Paul Whiteman, Riley quotes the French
jazz critic, Robert Goffin, who referred to Whiteman’s music as
“weak dilution devoid of all real musical character”. And did
Gershwin really write “history’s greatest serious jazz?” What is
“serious jazz”? I have an uneasy feeling that Riley thinks jazz is
“serious” when it takes on some of the orchestral characteristics of
classical music.
Riley brings in some well-known names, such as F. Scott Fitzgerald,
Hemingway, Malcom Cowley, Harry Crosby, and Gerald and Sara Murphy,
all of them regularly mentioned in other accounts of
Paris
in the Twenties. I have to admit that I’ve never been able to get
too excited by the Murphys. They were rich and could afford to
invite a select band of musicians, artists, and writers to stay at
their villa on the Riviera, Gerald Murphy had some talent as an
artist, working in the Cubist style, but he was hardly all that
original or inventive (Murphy “was not all that important to
Picasso”). But as Scott
Fitzgerald knew, people tend to be fascinated by the rich. They are
different, even if it’s only because they have more money. Riley
does have a point when he says that “private patronage is often the
most auspicious guarantee of avant-garde freedom”.
Of more interest is the chapter about Archibald MacLeish. “It is a
pity that nobody reads or teaches the poetry of Archibald MacLeish
anymore,” Riley plaintively says, and with that kind of statement
it’s only fair to wonder why? Poets come and go, and fade from sight
as fashions change, but there may also be a case for suggesting that
it’s perhaps because their poems are not very interesting. Riley
doesn’t offer any complete poems, or even substantial extracts from
them, for us to consider. I turned to some anthologies and couldn’t
get excited by most of what I read, which is, of course, a purely
personal response and my judgement may be at fault. I have to say
that Riley makes a persuasive case for at least looking at
MacLeish’s work again.
Nancy Cunard, Ernest Ansermet, Eugene Jolas, Picasso, Hart Crane,
even Oswald Spengler, all receive attention from Riley, and one way
or another, he does manage to build up the idea of a period in
ferment. I did notice a few errors along the way. On page 55 there’s
a reference to the “1929 film version of
American in Paris”, with
a dream sequence “staged by Vincent Minelli and Gene Kelly”. Riley
presumably means the 1951 Film version, and at the risk of again
being called pedantic, isn’t it Vincente? On page 58 John Dos
Passos’ novel, One Man’s
Initiation, published in 1922, is said to be about the Spanish
Civil War, which didn’t break out until 1936. Dos Passos was writing
about the First World War. A later novel,
Adventures of a Young Man,
published in 1939, did touch on the war in
Spain. On page 166 Riley says that
“Veterans unleashed the grim details of trench warfare in novels and
memoirs”, and lists several items, including Hemingway’s
For Whom the Bell Tolls,
which, as it’s set during the Spanish Civil War and was only
published in 1941, doesn’t belong with books about the First World
War.
I’ve raised some queries about aspects of
Free As Gods, but it
still seems to me a stimulating book, partly because it takes a
different approach to its subject, Paris in the 1920s, than many
other books. And it looks at some of the lesser-known, or less
talked about, writers and others who were around, but perhaps not
noticeably so.
A couple of the writers who were in Paris for a time in the 1920s, and later wrote
about their experiences, were the Canadians, Morley Callaghan and
John Glassco. Neither rates a mention in Riley’s book, but they are
both dealt with in detail in
Translocated Modernisms. As the sub-title of the book suggests,
it isn’t only the Paris
experience that is dealt with, and even when the focus is on that
city, as it is in the case of Mavis Gallant, for example, who went
there in the late-1940s and stayed for most of her life,
Paris
as a place is not necessarily of key importance. Gallant’s
Paris Stories were
written in the city, but were not always located there.
Neither Glassco nor Callaghan produced anything of major
significance about their
Paris
experiences, though both wrote interesting and useful memoirs about
them, Callaghan’s That Summer
in Paris is tidily written and probably reliable when it comes
to telling how it was. He met Hemingway, Robert McAlmon, John
Glassco, and many others from the Paris expatriate
community. But, as far as I know, he wrote only one short story,
“Now that April’s Here,” which had what might be called a Paris
basis, and that was produced in response to a request by Edward
Titus, Editor of This
Quarter, for a piece inspired by an encounter
that Titus, Callaghan, and Robert McAlmon had with John Glassco and
his companion, Graeme Taylor. McAlmon was also asked to write
something, but typically failed to come up with a suitable story.
Callaghan’s account was published in the December, 1929, issue of
This Quarter.
It is suggested, in the essay about Callaghan in
Translocated Modernisms,
that he revised many of his stories to make them fit in with
writings by “more well-known American modernists who lived in
Paris”. I happen to have a copy of the issue
of This Quarter in
question, and out of curiosity checked the text of “Now that April’s
Here” with the version in
Morley Callaghan’s Stories (Macmillan, Toronto, 1959). There are
only one or two minor amendments to the original version, and
nothing that would suggest anything other than tidying up some
punctuation and similar small points.
Callaghan’s story certainly satirised Glassco and Taylor, and within
the conventions of the time, clearly indicated that they were
homosexuals. McAlmon was, too, but Callaghan played down that side
of the character based on him. When Glassco’s
Memoirs of Montparnasse
was published in 1970 he painted a somewhat condescending portrait
of Callaghan, picturing him as provincial and not very imaginative.
This was probably an act of revenge on Glassco’s part because he had
been annoyed by the way Callaghan had portrayed him in his story.
The question of how truthful or accurate Glassco’s memoirs are needs
to asked. It’s suggested that “Memoirs
of Montparnasse is grounded in a self-reflexive engagement with
fabrication. He intentionally destabilises the factuality of his
memoir in favour of the performative and the fictional”. In other
words, Glassco wasn’t trying to present a true and accurate picture
of what he had experienced, but instead wanted to get across how it
felt to be in Paris
in the 1920s.
I mentioned earlier that
Translocated Modernisms isn’t solely about
Paris
in the 1920s. Mavis Gallant moved to
Paris
in the early 1950s and died there in 2014. She wrote two novels, but
was mainly known for her brilliant short stories, many of which were
published in The New Yorker.
When asked if she was a Canadian or international writer, she
replied, “I’m a writer in the English language”. And she said that
she didn’t enjoy the company of other writers and preferred to mix
with painters.
Brion Gysin was associated with William Burroughs and the coterie at
the so-called Beat Hotel in
Paris
in the 1950s, though he had a more varied career than that implies.
He seemed determined to be at home wherever he was in a process of
“unsettling identity at the individual level as a formalised global
ideological critique”. But he might well be best remembered for his
time with the Beats, as recounted in his novel,
The Last Museum (Faber,
1986), and in the interview and related material in
Here to Go: Planet R-101
(Re/Search Publications, 1982). He’s a genuine avant-gardist,
perhaps one of the few that Canada has produced.
Other essays focus on Wyndham Lewis, Katherine Mansfield, and
Malcolm Lowry, with the emphasis being on how they “translated and
dislocated cultural practices across oceans and continents”.
Translocated Modernisms
is a useful addition to the library of books engaging with the
history of modernism. There were moments when it seemed to be in
danger of sliding into the quicksands of academic theorising and
jargon, but on the whole it’s readable, though not designed for a
non-specialist readership looking for entertaining anecdote about
expatriate escapades.
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